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Translated by Ollie Richardson & Angelina Siard

20:55:45
08/05/2017

ria.ru


In recent years on the eve of May 9th the seasonal exacerbation of Ukrainian nationalists begins. And every year their mental problems are aggravated.

Ten years ago, at the time of Yushchenko, they sought on this day to “reconcile” veterans of the Great Patriotic War and collaborators from OUN-UPA, on the basis of the banderist ideology. At that time, already rather forgotten, they also pretended to have 50% of the Victory, claiming that, of course, they defended Ukrainian independence from the USSR, but also against the Wehrmacht they also fought heroically. But it’s true that scrupulous Germans tried but failed to find in their archives the traces of not only epic battles won (or at least heroically lost by UPA), but didn’t at all record the losses of military personnel of the Reich in “clashes” with Ukrainian nationalists.

Soviet sources authentically recorded the death in the fight against UPA of only one “German officer”“Oberleutnant Paul Siebert” — the Soviet intelligence officer, Hero of the Soviet Union Nikolay Ivanovich Kuznetsov.

After the February, 2014, coup in Ukraine, talk about the war of UPA on two fronts quickly came to naught. Instead of Victory Day on May 9th, already in 2014 the Ukrainian authorities tried to impose on the people “the day of memory and reconciliation” on May 8th.

By 2017, Ukraine completely recognized that May 9th is a defeat for nationalists. It’s true that so far they explain this by saying that Bolsheviks supposedly occupied the liberated Europe. But, considering that in the pantheon of Ukrainian “heroes” the SS-members of the 14th Waffen Grenadier Division, saboteurs of Abwehr’s battalions “Roland” and “Nachtigall”, and punishers of Schutzmannschaft-battalions (including those formed from the personnel of the OUN Kiev and Bukovina Kuren) are firmly established, and also personally Roman Shukhevich, who was in time to mark himself also in Abwer’s saboteurs, and among the punishers of Major Pobegushchy, who burnt Belarusian villages together with its inhabitants, nothing much separates today’s Ukrainian nationalists from full recognition of their Nazi roots.

And some of them recognized this long ago, like the former Prime Minister Yatsenyuk, who already in 2015 stated that the Red Army during World War II occupied Ukraine and Germany. It seems that on May 9th, 2017, the Ukrainian authorities decided to bring Yatsenyuk’s cause to a logical end and to place dot the “i”.

At least in the beginning the adviser to the Minister of Internal Affairs (and the former Minister of Ukraine of Emergency Situations) Zoryan Shkiryak insistently suggested that citizens should refuse on May 9th the use of traditional symbolics of St. George, because it can cause a “logical and objectively correct reaction from a Ukrainian patriot and citizen”. And then the leader of the Organization of the Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) Nikolay Kokhanivsky called to carry out on May 9th the action “Death Regiment” to not to allow “a vatnik sabbath in Kiev” on Victory Day. According to Kokhanivsky, the “immortal regiment” must be stopped as it “has its roots in Moskovia”.

It would be possible to argue about the paranoiac “victim complex” that forces the Ukrainian authorities, contrary to the obvious interests and prestige of their own State, to aspire to be in the ranks of those who suffered defeat and the war criminals condemned in Nuremberg, refusing the status of the winner country. However, the problem is deeper and wider.

Ukraine also condemns and Soviet-German agreement of 1939 and demands to cancel it, even though in this case it is necessary for Ukraine to refuse a quarter of the present territory of the country – eight and a quarter regions that are “‘criminally attached‘ to present Ukraine” by the Soviet authorities [sarcasm – ed]. Ukraine tries to refuse the successorship of Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic and looks for its roots in Ukrainian People’s Republic (1917-1920). Although in that case it will be necessary to also to refuse the status of the founder state of the UN and a place in the OSCE (the Ukrainian People’s Republic wasn’t received there).

In addition, these processes in Ukraine are only the most brightly expressed. But we observe something similar in the case of Belarusian Litvin — the tendency elevating Belarusian ethnicity and statehood to the Lithuanian Rus (Lithuanian, Russian, and Zhemaytiyan Grand Duchy). While it would be more logical to rely on the history of the Polotsk reign, which was first to stand apart from the structure of ancient Rus, and who used the right of wide autonomy since the beginning of the 11th to the end of the 14th century (both in Kiev and during the Lithuanian period). In addition, the borders of the Polotsk reign almost coincide with the borders of present Belarus.

And in Russia also, among supporters of the “European choice” [fifth column – ed] there is a tendency to mourn the defeat of the “European Germans” at the hands of “Bolshevist Asian hordes”, extolling General Vlasov and collaborators whose rank is lower, and at the household level expressed nostalgia for the “Bavarian beer” that they “would drink if Hitler won”.

Yes, in Belarus and Russia these movements have a semi-marginal character, but still some five years ago, today’s fighters against the Great Victory in Ukraine also wore St. George’s Ribbons. Twenty years ago the most inveterate nationalists claimed that it will be never possible to call into question the feat of the Soviet people and the rehabilitation of such figures as Shukhevych and such formations as the 14th SS Galicia division. But step by step they quickly arrived to the juncture where already in the Armed Forces and in units of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine nazi symbolics are used as semi-official (not approved, but also not forbidden).

In politics it is like it is in agriculture: if you regularly pull up weeds, it seems that they don’t exist anymore. But if the field is left without supervision for some time then the weeds there will completely inhibit the cultural plants. The weed is resilient, it has a high adaptability, and in the regime of “free competition” it always easily suppresses civilized cultures.

Alternative concepts of history of Rus at the time of Gostomysl up to modern day, have a rather real political basis. Rus/Russia — the successor of Byzantium — an independent civilization is related, but not identical to the modern western one. The feeling of lineage generates aspiration for reunion. From here comes Russian Westernism and modern “eurocentrism” of a part of Post-Soviet society.

Both tendencies perceive reunion not as a convergence, but as absorption of Russia by the West. From this a simple conclusion is drawn — any western aggression against Russia is beneficial because it is a civilizing project. Any resistance to this aggression is criminal, as it interferes with global progress.

Westernised movements of this sort will always be weaker in the root territory of Russia, because it demand from the people to suppress an instinct of self-preservation and to destroy their own State. Here they can emerge on the surface only during periods of turmoil and social shock, being presented as a means of stabilization of unsettled statehood.

Such movements will be more stronger the further and deeper the territories that were torn away from Russia become in the process of isolation. A part of Russia can become not Russia only having recognized itself as Anti-Russia. But between Russia and the West there is no place for a third civilization. If you not are Russia, you are West, which, in fact, different kinds of westernisators also try to prove in their own way.

The sad paradox for them is that the West doesn’t perceive them as theirs, and doesn’t allow them be anything other than Schutzmannschaft-battalions. While Russia continues to consider them even if not completely Russian, then at least closely related, and constantly tries to help them. The contradiction between the real picture of the world and its virtual image brings westernisators into a condition of cognitive dissonance. The impossibility to definitively cut ties with Russia and to become real Europeans generates the idea of a need to eliminate not just Russia, but everything Russian (from here comes the slogan popular for Ukrainian Nazis: “Kill the Russian inside yourself!”). The elimination of Russia that is “criminal interfering” in the European integration of the “free people” becomes the sense of their existence.

Great Victory is a symbol of the highest achievement of historical Russia in opposition to the collective West and, at the same time, a symbol of the most terrifying defeat of collaborator-westenisators of all colors and shades. They can’t relate to her quietly, beause every year May 9th reminds them that they stood at the walls of Moscow, that they besieged Leningrad for three years, that they drank water from the Volga, that they hoisted a flag with a swastika over Elbrus, while everything ended at the ruins of Berlin.

For any westenisator, whether it be a Ukrainian nationalist or Russian Vlasov adherent, the exulting people on May 9th is worse than if we would be compelled to observe every year in our capital how the descendants of Jebe and Subutai celebrate the anniversary of the battle of Kalka. It’s worse because anyway at that time we won, and they lost. And they are losing again. And they already feel that the modest soldier with a piece of chalk will soon come again to the columns of their Reichstags.

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