Battle of the Ukrainian Vultures

Zelensky admitted that he was consulting with potential candidates for the post of Prime Ministers. The names of Tigipko and Dubina were presented. In turn, the current Prime Minister Goncharuk said that he is going to work in his position for ten years and is ready to take Tigipko as an adviser or consultant.

The board counters were placed. Behind the board on the one side there is Pinchuk and Soros, and on the other side – Kolomoisky and Akhmetov. Zelensky appears once again ready to play on his longtime boss’ side. However, the alliance of Kolomoisky and Akhmetov is extremely fragile. Just at the beginning of the week Kolomoisky (with the help of the media controlled by him) penalised Akhmetov for his attempt to become the sole owner of the faction “Servants of the People“, which Akhmetov either took, or is ready to take for financing.

The idea is to, replacing the too toxic Goncharuk with the moderate Tigipko or Dubina, delay the fall of Zelensky’s approval rating by another six months. The intra-American confrontation is superimposed on Ukrainian problems. For globalists whose interests are represented by the Democratic Party, Ukraine is almost the last bastion of their long-standing foreign policy. The Americans were pushed out from the process of the Syrian settlement, and practically from the Libyan one too. Iraq demands the withdrawal of occupation troops, but even now, under American occupation, is de facto an ally of Iran. In Afghanistan, the Taliban refuse to negotiate any compromise with the Kabul government (which would allow the Americans to leave by saving their face) and insist on the unconditional withdrawal of foreign troops.

Against this background, Ukraine and the Soros government at the head of it appear to be an oasis of globalism. Naturally, Soros’ opponents are trying to win Trump’s support. But everything here is very mixed. Trump is a vindictive man, and he probably doesn’t mind punishing Ukrainian politicians trying to play on the side of his opponents. But it must be borne in mind that when Poroshenko supported Hillary Clinton, Akhmetov was his closest business partner. Without each other, they could not implement the Rotterdam and Pennsylvania schemes. Trump’s lawyer Rudy Giuliani called him “an enemy of Trump and America”. It turns out that in Ukraine, Trump’s enemies are fighting Trump’s enemies.

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It will be difficult for Trump to take a side because he does not yet have an effective mechanism to influence the situation in Ukraine. He himself recently complained that he did not control the intelligence community, which continued to work for the Democrats. We can understand what the level of control is over the State Department at least from the fact that Washington will soon be unable to elect an ambassador to Ukraine for a year, limited to a chargé d’affaires.

Thus, Trump’s ability to play an active offensive game in Ukraine is extremely limited. Soros was never shy about the money – the organisation of another coup for him is a question of expediency. Soros even managed to refute the common claim that there could be no Maidan in the United States since there is no US Embassy there. After Trump’s election, he organised a more than effective “maidan of rose-coloured enemies”. And it went so far that Trump called what was happening an attempted coup d’état and threaten to use force, as well as arrest the leaders (doing what Yanukovych did not decide to do). Only then did the Soros Maidan catch fire.

It is easy to assume that if Soros loses Ukraine, he simply stimulates there another putsch, on the principle of “if I can’t have it, then nobody can”. But Trump doesn’t need Ukraine in the form of scorched earth. He, as a rational master, needs an asset that he can try to sell to Moscow.

Against the background of the illumination of information about Zelensky’s intention to replace the Prime Minister, the review of the Maidan forces held under the pretext of fighting the coronavirus looks very different. Zelensky back then was shown how quickly mass protests could cover the country because of a mere trifle. The only serious power support that Zelensky has is Avakov. But the Interior Minister is playing his own game. He knows that the “Sorosites” in the government and the “Servants of the People” faction demanded his resignation, but he also knows that if Zelensky defeats all his enemies, he will also force Avakov to resign. The Minister’s strength lies in the instability of power and its dependence on the power resource under his control. He cannot allow one of the factions to have a definitive victory.

By the way, and Nazis from Avakov’s structures will be able to defend Tigipko or Dubina from their “sworn brothers”. At the same time Avakov has a universal, more than once used, method – to declare himself the guarantor of legality.

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The fact is that according to the law Goncharuk cannot be dismissed until October 4th (on this day last year the program of the government was approved). Yes, there is information that all ministers on this day wrote statements for their resignation under their own will with an open date. However, the story of Goncharuk’s failed January resignation suggests that with these statements everything is not so simple and naive Zelensky started panicking over nothing. Let me remind you that in January Goncharuk wrote a resignation letter to Zelensky, while he was supposed to address it to the Verkhovna Rada. I do not know whether the statement he wrote at the time was used, or whether it was a separate document, but there is every reason to believe that the rest of the statements are also written in Zelensky’s name, which means that in fact they are not valid. With the same success, Ukraine’s Prime Minister can submit his resignation to Trump.

So far, it can be stated that Goncharuk, and therefore his masters, intend to resist. That certainly doesn’t mean the government won’t change. After all, the rule of law in Ukraine has always been put aside for the sake of political expediency. But a change of government will not mean the end of the fight.

First of all, the whole vertical can’t be changed all at once. And there isn’t a great choice when it comes to replacements. The Soros Foundation has been working in Ukraine for so long that any current politician aged 45 and under is somehow associated with it. It’s not even about ministers. Sorosites have embedded themselves in the sinecures of state-owned companies, and make up the middle, and now higher, levels of any agency. One could say that they would love to betray Soros in the same way they betrayed all their benefactors all their lives, but the fact is that globalism is in their blood. They may not play in Soros’ team, but they will still act in accordance with blueprints – they are unable to do things any differently.

Secondly, as soon as it is possible to shoot down the government of Goncharuk, the contradictions between Kolomoisky and Akhmetov will escalate, and therefore, the entire political configuration of Ukraine will change. New unions will become in demand, there will be space for a new round of the game.

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Thirdly, as has already been said, the fate of the Ukrainian government will still be decided depending on the position of political forces in the United States. Meanwhile, Trump, in addition to punishing enemies, needs a broad domestic political consensus. Only by overcoming the intra-American split of elites does he have a chance to make America great again. Domestic political consensus is achieved through broad compromise. Ukraine will undoubtedly be part of this compromise. Trump clearly doesn’t have any strategic plans related to this territory. Selling it to Russia before it is completely dry is his whole strategy.

Therefore, it cannot be ruled out that he will leave Ukraine in the full and undivided possession of Democrats. Their control over Ukrainian power, provided they stop working to destabilise the United States itself, does not contradict Trump’s strategic plans.

Thus, Ukraine finds itself on the periphery of American interests – a kind of consolation prize for the globalists who are losing in the domestic political fight. And this is the best case scenario. Under such conditions, the Ukrainian oligarch receives considerable freedom of action, and the deterrent potential of older comrades practically ceases to play its role. And Ukrainian oligarchs were never shy when it came to money. 2014 showed that they are able to launch a bloody civil war because of a mere trifle, not even fully realising what they have done.

The confrontation already began. The very fact of the names of Tigipko and Dubina being spotlighted as candidates for the post of Prime Minister testifies to this. Such consultations are kept secret up until the last moment (until the submission of the appointment to Rada) in order not to stimulate a wave of negativity against the potential appointee. There are always enough people who want to take up the premiership, and they will immediately start intriguing against successful competitors.

Zelensky, after confirming the fact of his consultations and Goncharuk’s defiant comment, has little choice – either he changes the government or he will in principle cease to be consulted.


Rostislav Ishchenko

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