European Heritage: Take Everything

NEW – September 15, 2022

Plasticity and demolition of templates open up good prospects for us

The de-industrialisation of Europe, which has lost its political subjectivity, has been the goal of the United States and England at least since the beginning of their organisation of the Ukrainian catastrophe and “green fraud”.

For the United States, Germany is also an unacceptable competitor: with a population 4.5 times smaller, commodity exports are the same, and sometimes even higher. With a lack of global demand, such “Carthage must be destroyed”.

For England, a strong Europe is a political competitor: the continent must be fragmented and Islamised in order to give power and superprofits to the City bankers, who rely on Oxbridge professors.

The qualitative increase in the cost of energy is completing the European industrial civilisation with an already ongoing break in technological chains.

Of course, the industrialists of Europe are looking for a way out. Many are considering evacuating to Latin America: moving not only control centers, but also production, training systems and specialists – from engineers to skilled workers.

Plasticity and demolition of templates open up good prospects for us. Indeed, despite the political prejudices of the West, we are closer, more stable, more understandable (although it is strange for us) and we guarantee sales.

We can master a huge part of the productive and technological heritage of old Europe if we see this opportunity and open the doors to industrial development.

First of all, either goods or investments and technologies go to the country. Therefore, at the start of any production, it needs strict protectionism, softening as it strengthens (for example, all the “workshops of the world”: England, Germany, the USA, China).

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The costs of industry – the cost of credit, infrastructure, raw materials – must be minimised.

From us, this requires restoring the managerial integrity of the unified technological complexes of natural monopolies (primarily the electric power industry), torn apart by liberal oligarchs, limiting financial speculation (otherwise the cheapness of credit will result in devaluation, as E.S. Nabiullina rightly points out), reorienting basic industries with profit maximisation on the reliable provision of the country with affordable and high-quality products (which is characteristic not of private, but of public property).

Taxes should not stimulate the unproductive consumption of the rich, but mass production and invention (IT businesses in Uzbekistan pays 6% personal income tax – and that’s it!).

And we need to recreate the system of industrial education, which was created for the first time in the world under Nikolay I.

Even the beginning of this movement will make Russia a “promised land” for the agonising EU industry.

Mikhail Delyagin

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