Translated by Ollie Richardson & Angelina Siard
Recently Roman Petrovich Bessmertny – the People’s Deputy of Ukraine of the 2nd and 5th convocations, Yushchenko’s former Deputy Prime Minister in the government of Tymoshenko, the former founder and one of the first heads of Yushchenko’s party “Our Ukraine”, and the People’s Union “Our Ukraine” bloc, and former ambassador in Belarus appointed by Yushchenko already after the loss in the 2010 presidential elections, one day prior to the transition of presidential powers to Yanukovych, but who for one and a half years represented Ukraine in Minsk under Yanukovych (until Belarusians asked to send somebody else who will not organize a Maidan in Minsk) – reported that in his opinion, in the near future the entire political top of Ukraine and all “heroes of the anti-terrorist operation” will receive real prison terms. “In several years, as soon as the political situation changes, all will be put in prison,” he said.
Roman Petrovich has been in Ukrainian politics for many years. Roman Petrovich has been in the Maidan movement for many years; a many-years “eurointegrator”. Roman Petrovich is completely in solidarity with nationalists in regards to their aims. But Roman Petrovich is experienced enough to know that a direct road isn’t always the shortest. “The fool, playing the hero; let him shout ‘Forward!’ Normal heroes always go around”.
It is necessary to pay tribute to Bessmertny. He indeed now cares not about himself, but about the camp of “patriots” of Ukraine. It’s unlikely that something threatens Bessmertny personally. He didn’t seize anything, he didn’t kill anyone, he didn’t head any departments, he didn’t give criminal orders. He just represented Ukraine in the contact group on the implementation of the Minsk Agreements.
Bessmertny is sincere and selfless in his concern. He is a convinced “eurointegrator” and in the same way a convinced Ukrainian nationalist. And he wouldn’t want all his political partners to find themselves in prison, and the political organizations created by them and their ideology would repeat the fate of German Nazis, whose structures and ideology were recognized as criminal and forbidden by the Nuremberg tribunal. It will be sad and lonely in free life for Roman Petrovich without them. When you are alone, you are not a fighter in politics. So that’s why he tries to save his colleagues and co-thinkers from the worst.
After all, if to start implementing the Minsk Agreements really, then it will be possible to apply amnesty for the sin of civil war not only to Donbass, but also to their dear selves, and even to the “heroes” of the anti-terrorist operation. This is the normal practice of reconciliation after any civil war – the past remains in the past, and everything starts on a clean slate.
Roman Petrovich sees much better in the contact group than Kiev “activists” that the war is already lost, and it is time for Kiev politicians to make sure that it ends for them not with unconditional surrender and not by spontaneous liquidation, but with a compromise for peace. His position coincides with the position of the western partners of the Ukrainian regime (not of the States themselves, but of still-influential international political groups), who would like to keep the pro-West regime if not in all of Ukraine, then at least in some of it. But for this purpose, the regime needs to be relieved of responsibility for the sins hanging above it, including war crimes and crimes against humanity.
It is possible to let go of Donbass, Kharkov, Zaporozhye, and Odessa, it is even possible to force Kolomoisky to renounce Dnepropetrovsk. It is necessary to keep a part of Ukraine as a Russophobic springboard that, in the long term, in changed circumstances, can be used again.
From this point of view, the situation in Kiev now develops in the wrong direction. Having used the emergence of an anti-Poroshenko oligarchical consensus, radical nationalists – who are ready to participate in the internal political conflict as an armed force, and who are needed by both sides – successfully impose their program on both sides of power of the current Kiev crisis. And their program is war.
Official politicians of the US and the EU are fatigued from Ukraine. Besides this, many other more important issues arose for them, and, after all, it’s impossible to break Russia using Ukraine. That’s why they practically don’t interfere in the current Kiev crisis, giving the chance to the myrmidons to find out themselves which spider is the owner of the jar. They understand that the crisis is on the threshold of developing into a civil war inside the Maidan elite, and breaking Ukraine into one thousand fragments, but even this doesn’t worry them. Now they have no time for these amusing indigene, it is western hegemony itself that before the eyes dissolves in time and space. There is a need to defend the radical interests of the West, and then it will be possible to find another indigene.
But the American globalists, who lost power with Clinton’s defeat, and their European colleagues – who are gradually pushed aside from power – think differently. They are not against risking a small war, even a European war of average size, in order to undermine the growing potential of Russia and to have the opportunity for nuclear blackmail. This policy is beyond being underhanded. If Russia isn’t frightened – and already last year, before the elections in the US, it made it clear that it isn’t afraid, then the West needs to either begin a nuclear Armageddon or capitulate.
And, nevertheless, in the West there are enough influential politicians who would like to use the last chance. And it is for them that the preservation of the Ukrainian springboard is necessary. It is their ideas that Roman Petrovich Bessmertny broadcasts to his unsophisticated nationalist accomplices.
Bessmertny says to them that they already lost and that soon this loss will be affirmed, after which it is unlikely that Ukrainian nationalism will be able to be revived, because nationalists will be killed by “grateful” Ukrainians. In order to save at least something, it is necessary to receive a legal basis for the preservation of the nationalist power at least in some territories. And this is possible only during negotiations and concessions. Bessmertny suggests to his accomplices to concede now, so that, having waited for the West’s new campaign against Russia, to act together with allies.
This idea – from the point of view of preserving the nationalist authorities, ideology, and organizational structures – is correct, and with this it would be dangerous… if there wasn’t a “but”. The internal contradictions in the Maidan authorities came so far, and the Kiev politicians are so far away from even a poor excuse for adequacy that they won’t even understand what Roman Petrovich wants from them. And if someone will even understand, they won’t be able to do anything anyway. The time when it was possible to change something hopelessly passed for Kiev. Now the fate of Ukraine is determined, and it’s not enviable.
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